(The front entrance to the old headquarters of the United Fruit Company in New Orleans)
Back in 1910, New Orleans fruit company boss Samuel Zemurray
got sick and tired of Honduran tax levies on his business interests there and
sent a gang of mercenaries to overthrow the Honduran government. They did, and
his United Fruit Company, today known as Chiquita, became a giant in the region.
Eighteen years later, the U.S. Navy helped the United Fruit Company overcome a crippling workers’
strike in Colombia by supporting army leaders there in an attack on the strikers that
killed as many as 2,000. Famed writer Gabriel Garcia Marquez wrote about this
in his novel One Hundred Years of
Solitude.
In 2009, almost exactly a century after the
Zemurray-engineered coup d’etat, then-U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton
gave her support to the overthrow of Manuel Zelaya, the democratically elected
president of Honduras. Not liking
Zelaya’s left-leaning politics, Clinton preferred the military-backed regime
that replaced him and has since made Honduras one of the world’s most dangerous,
crime-ridden countries.
I wonder what the average Honduran today thinks about U.S.
corporate media’s obsessive coverage of alleged Russian interference in the
2016 presidential election.
In 2017, MSNBC, the “liberal” counterpart to right-wing Fox
News, ran 1,385 broadcasts on Russia and its political meddling. By comparison,
Yemen and its deadly bombing by Saudi Arabia with U.S. military assistance got
82 MSNBC broadcasts.
It’s not unusual today to see terms such as “traitor” and
“treason” in USA Today and other
corporate media applied to President Trump because of his relationship with the
man U.S. media increasingly love to refer to as Russia’s “thug” leader, Vladimir
Putin. As valid as the story of
Russian interference may be, is it worth this “tsunami of coverage”, media
critic Norman Solomon asks? And why, in this “tsuanami”, are there so many
missing elements to the story?
“It’s very rare … to see any mention of the fact that each
country, Russia and the US, has several thousand nuclear weapons basically
pointed at each other,” Solomon says, “4,000 in each country … at the ready to
basically be able to incinerate, not just the two countries, but billions of
people on the planet.”
Trump has rankled not only liberals and the Democratic Party
but also corporate interests because of his trade policies and also military-industrial
interests that would love to see another Cold War, or even hot war, with
Russia.
Missing in all this discussion is a sense of history and awareness
of the utter hypocrisy of much of the U.S. handwringing about outside
interference in a sovereign nation’s politics. Politicians on both sides of the
aisle join in this hypocrisy.
Trump loves to wave his saber at Iran, threatening it and
raising the specter of yet another war as if the American people weren’t sick to
death of war after 17 consecutive years of it.
Why is Iran no longer the close U.S. friend that it was
under the pro-Western rule of the Shah of Iran?
Let’s examine.
When Mohammed Mossadegh became Iran’s prime minister in 1951,
Iranians cheered at his strong stand against the British-owned Anglo-Iranian
Oil Company that had soaked Iran’s resources while only paying back as much as
16 percent of its profits. England’s
response was to join with the United States in launching Operation Ajax to oust
Mossadegh and install in his place a CIA puppet. They succeeded, and the Shah
subsequently consolidated his rule into a dictatorship that lasted until the
Iranian Revolution of 1979.
A long list of countries could be added to Honduras, Yemen,
Colombia and Iran as examples of U.S. political interference—Guatemala, Libya,
Vietnam, Cuba, Chile, the Democratic Republic of Congo, among them.
(To the right, a 1952 poster supporting agrarian reform in Guatemala)
Let’s look at Guatemala. When Guatemalan President Jacobo Arbenz Guzmán tried to redistribute land to benefit the legions of poor in his country in 1952, the United Fruit Company raised a hue and cry in Washington, D.C., which was all the CIA needed to get its tentacles into the country and assist with Guzmán’s overthrow in 1954.
Let’s look at Guatemala. When Guatemalan President Jacobo Arbenz Guzmán tried to redistribute land to benefit the legions of poor in his country in 1952, the United Fruit Company raised a hue and cry in Washington, D.C., which was all the CIA needed to get its tentacles into the country and assist with Guzmán’s overthrow in 1954.
And we have to have a
few words about Vietnam. Now there’s a story. Consider the U.S.’s crucial supportive
role in Ngo Dinh Diem’s consolidation of power in South Vietnam in the
mid-1950s, and then in his overthrow by South Vietnamese generals in 1963. That
coup d’etat, intended to find a more suitable leader in the fight against the
Communists, resulted in the United States’ irrevocable involvement in Vietnam’s
political future and the bloody war that lasted into the 1970s.
I could go on, but this is a column, not a book.
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