Sunday, June 11, 2017

Mississippi with its poverty, lousy roads and ruling clique looks like the 1920s Louisiana Huey Long vowed to change


(To the right, Huey Long)

OXFORD, Miss. – When Huey Long first swept onto the political scene in Louisiana in the 1920s, the state was the quintessential Southern backwater. Ruled by a wealthy oligarchy of landowners, sugar and lumber magnates, and oilmen, it had less than 200 miles of paved roads.

It was sunk in a dismal swamp of poverty, isolation, corruption and ignorance. Its workers had little or no say over their pitiful wages or working conditions. Some 16 percent of its adult population was illiterate.

“The hierarchy was smug, satisfied with things as they were, devoted to the protection of privilege,” writes historian T. Harry Williams in his classic 1969 biography, Huey Long. “The ruling hierarchy was little interested in using what resources the state had available to provide services and was even less interested in employing the power of the state to create new resources so that more services could be supported.”

Then Huey Long bounded onto the political stage, first as railroad and public service commissioner, later as governor and finally U.S. senator. Hearing the cries of the voiceless, he chased the moneylenders out of the temple. He pushed through a severance tax on the pampered oil industry, revamped the state’s tax and bonding system, and used the money to put free textbooks into the hands of school children and 2,300 miles of paved roads and 111 new bridges across the state.

With its own ruling oligarchy entrenched in the Governor’s Mansion and state Capitol in Jackson, Mississippi is looking more and more like pre-Huey Long Louisiana.

Just like the ruling clique in Baton Rouge and New Orleans in the 1920s, the ruling clique that gathers in Jackson every legislative session is less concerned about public education, good roads and highways, public health, mental health, and child poverty than it is about corporate welfare and the proper pampering of the state’s wealthy.

With all the talk of charter schools and vouchers, the underfunding of public education in Mississippi has resulted in an adult illiteracy rate of 16 percent, exactly what it was when Huey Long began his political career. In the gulag that the modern-day South has become, Mississippi has always excelled in throwing people behind bars. Today 60 percent of the state’s prison inmates are functionally illiterate.

The Republicans in charge won’t raise taxes, so some of them now talk about instituting a lottery system to ease pressure on the shriveled state budget. Here’s a prediction: they’ll do the same with lottery revenues that they did with gambling revenues, which is to use the money as an excuse for another tax cut on the rich and corporations.

Look at Nissan, a global firm with a current market value of $38.4 billion. After an initial $363 million incentives package to get the Nissan plant in Canton back in 2000, Mississippi has provided the company with an additional $1 billion in tax breaks and other subsidies over the years.

Politicians defend such corporate welfare by saying it provides citizens with needed jobs. Yet when those citizens complain about poor working conditions and ask for a fair vote to decide whether they can have union representation, the politicians raise a hue and cry, and in the case of Gov. Phil Bryant, extend an invitation to outside groups to come in and help him fight against Mississippi workers who want a union.

Mississippi lawmakers say the state simply cannot afford good medical and mental health services. That’s why the Department of Mental Health is eliminating 650 positions, and the University of Mississippi Medical Center in Jackson has cut nearly 200 jobs.

Poor Ol’ Mississippi has the lowest median income in the nation, the highest poverty rate, and one of the highest child poverty rates. Her roads and bridges are terrible. However, she’s not so poor that she can’t continue to pamper Nissan and Toyota (beneficiary of an initial $356 million state handout) while handing out $274 million in tax breaks to Continental Tire the Americas and Edison Chouest last year.

“Where are the schools that you have waited for your children to have, that have never come?” Huey Long asked voters in his famous “Evangeline” speech in St. Martinsville, Louisiana, 90 years ago. “Where are the roads and the highways that you send your money to build, that are no nearer now than ever before? Where are the institutions to care for the sick and the disabled?”

After casting out the temple’s moneylenders, Huey reached for more and more power, and an assassin finally brought him down. Still, those questions he asked in St. Martinsville so long ago could be asked today in Mississippi.

This column appeared recently in the Jackson Free Press in Jackson, Mississippi. 
 


Monday, May 29, 2017

Watching "Pat Garrett and Billy the Kid" with Kris Kristofferson in Lexington, Kentucky--It's a film still that resonates today

 
(Kris Kristofferson at the Kentucky Theatre in Lexington, Kentucky, last week)

LEXINGTON, Ky. - Billy the Kid is fighting a hopeless battle in Sam Peckinpah’s classic 1973 Western, Pat Garrett and Billy the Kid. He refuses to concede the freewheeling West that is fading around him to big landowner John Chisum or the Big City moneymen who are coming in Chisum’s wake to divide among themselves the spoils of an emerging new West.

However, Billy’s longtime friend-turned-lawman Pat Garrett has made his peace with Chisum and the moneymen and accepted their offer to hunt down the West’s most notorious gunfighter.

Folks in Lexington, Kentucky, last week got a chance to see Pat Garrett and Billy the Kid again on the big screen at the downtown Kentucky Theatre, a fundraising event for the upcoming Harry Dean Stanton Festival. Actor-singer-songwriter Kris Kristofferson, who starred as Billy the Kid, spoke at the event and even sported the same pair of boots that he wore in the film.

“Working with Sam Peckinpah was definitely a wild ride, one of the greatest experiences of my life,” Kristofferson told the crowd of 650 at the May 23 showing. “Working on this film was a dream come true. We got to ride horses, shoot guns.”

The film showing was organized by Lucy Jones, creator of the annual Harry Dean Stanton Festival in Lexington. Stanton was also in the cast of Pat Garrett and Billy the Kid. Your Labor South correspondent attended as part of his research for an upcoming biography of Stanton.

Peckinpah’s film, written by Rudy Wurlitzer with a musical score by Bob Dylan (who also co-stars), tells a different side of the story than the 1970 Western Chisum, which starred John Wayne in the title role. In that film, Chisum teams with Billy the Kid and Pat Garrett to fight the bad guys.

Peckinpah’s film depicts Chisum as the last of a dying breed of uniquely American landowners, larger than life, often self-made, hard-working men of achievement but also rigid in their views, unwilling to relinquish power, judgmental of others less fortunate and removed from their daily struggles. Coming in Chisum’s place are new-fangled city investors and finance men, anonymous and rapacious, interchangeable, early versions of those modern-day venture capitalists who don’t make or create but enrich themselves by skimming off the hard-earned gains of others.

This is a 44-year-old film that still resonates today as Wall Street continues to further separate itself from the rest of America, and its servants in the White House and halls of Congress make that separation ever more profitable, much as they did in the Teapot Dome Scandal of 1920. In that scandal, which inspired Peckinpah in the making of this film, officials in the Harding Administration colluded with wealthy oilmen to help them grab lucrative oil leases in the West that had earlier been under the control of the federal government.

Filmgoers in Lexington applauded loudly at the Kentucky Theatre last week. They watched a great movie with one of its stars sitting among them. They also got a chance to see the importance and value of art well done, how it can remind us that we face many of the same challenges our ancestors faced, that we have yet another chance to overcome those challenges, that the human story goes on, debased at times, sure, but noble and inspiring, too, and ever in need of compassion.

Friday, May 26, 2017

The Clinton Old Guard in the Democratic Party is not backing Berniecrats in elections even if it means Republicans win

 
OXFORD, Miss. – Thousands cheered back in March when Bernie Sanders stood on the podium at the “March on Mississippi” in Canton, Mississippi, and told them “the eyes of the country and the eyes of the world are on you!”
           
The Vermont senator and unsuccessful Democratic presidential contender was the big draw of that event, and his presence indeed put a national spotlight on the longstanding struggle of Nissan workers in Canton to be able to have an intimidation-free union election.

“One worker has zero power,” Sanders said, “but when workers stand together, you have power. There is a reason why large multinational corporations have come to the South. They’re told workers in the South will not stand up. It’s a race to the bottom. Our job is to tell Corporate America they cannot have it all.”

If the eyes of the nation and world were on Canton that day, were the eyes of the national Democratic Party?

It’s unlikely, a great irony when you consider how organized labor has been the party’s most stalwart supporter since before Franklin Roosevelt.

Under the leadership of the Democratic National Committee and its new chair, Tom Perez, today’s party looks backward, not forward. Its eyes are still searching for excuses for its miserable failure in the 2016 presidential election.

Why? The Clinton wing still rules the DNC, and thus the endless groaning about alleged Russian interference in the election rather than the soul searching it needs to move forward.

The party has poured more than $8 million into Democrat Jon Ossoff’s congressional bid in a wealthy suburban Atlanta district in Georgia. Ossoff is the classic Clinton Democrat--a darling of Hollywood celebrities who is fluent in French and studied at the London School of Economics and Georgetown University. He’s also hoping to win conservative support by talking about cutting $16 billion in “wasteful spending” out of the federal budget.

In other words, he’s not a Bernie Sanders kind of guy who can easily work a crowd of blue-collar assembly line workers—whether it’s Mississippi, Michigan, Ohio or Minnesota. Yet many of those are among the folks who used to vote solidly Democratic but turned to Donald Trump last November because at least he talked about issues important to them.

The DNC had a chance last month to support such a candidate in Kansas, James Thompson, a progressive populist in the Bernie Sanders style who was running for Congress in a special election. What did the DNC do? Practically nothing. Thompson had a real shot in the election but lost after getting only token support from the Democratic Party bigwigs.

The same was true in populist Democrat Rob Quist’s congressional campaign in Montana, where he got a groundswell of support from voters during the campaign but little from the national Democratic Party in face of a Republican juggernaut to defeat him. Quist lost the election to Republican Greg Gianforte.

“By refusing to fund the campaigns of anyone but centrist, establishment shills, the Democratic Party aims to make the Berniecrats’ lack of political viability a self-fulfilling prophecy,” The Guardian’s Jamie Peck wrote recently. “Starve their campaigns of resources so they can’t win, then point to said losses as examples of why they can’t win.”

DNC Chair Perez won his position after defeating Keith Ellison, the candidate supported by Sanders. His two predecessors, Debbie Wasserman Schultz and Donna Brazile, both resigned amid allegations of supporting and using their positions to push for Hillary Clinton in the Democratic primaries.

Meanwhile, Sanders continues to rally young people and blue-collar workers around the country in an effort offer future voters a real choice in the next election. He has launched an interview show broadcast on Facebook that allows for serious discussion of issues that matter to Americans in their day-to-day lives. In other words, something other than tired conspiracy theories about last November’s election.

Among Sanders’ guests has been the Rev. William Barber, leader of North Carolina’s “Moral Monday” movement and that state’s NAACP president. Barber is one of the most dynamic social justice activists in the country today, the kind of fiery supporter of civil rights and labor that used to be the heart of the Democratic Party.

The Barber broadcast got nearly a million viewers. Another show featuring science educator and global warming critic Bill Nye was watched by 4.5 million viewers. Who were these watchers? Most of them ranged in age from 18 to 45.

Hillary Clinton thought she could win the 2016 presidential race on the same politics of her husband, a politics that seems liberal on the surface—pro-choice, multicultural, racially sensitive—but which is just as wedded to Wall Street, big banks, and race-to-the-bottom corporations as your garden variety Republican.

Bernie Sanders offered a different vision in 2016, and the party under whose banner he campaigned did what it could to undermine him. It’s a vision that still inspires many and gives them hope, but don’t expect the Democratic old guard to be among them.
  
A shorter version of this column appeared recently in the Jackson Free Press of Jackson, Mississippi.   

Monday, May 8, 2017

India: Murder charges against labor activists eerily similar to the Haymarket tragedy of 1886


Here is a guest article from Sindhu Menon, a labor journalist in India who writes for Equal Times, Labour File, International Union Rights and other publications.  She was a contributor to my recent book The Strangers Among Us: Tales from a Global Migrant Worker Movement (LabourStart, 2016). The incidents described in this article eerily remind us of the Haymarket Square Tragedy in Chicago in 1886, when law enforcement used a deadly bombing incident to "round up the usual suspects" and crack down on labor activists and the labor movement.

From Equal Times

India: workers vow to fight Maruti Suzuki murder charges

By Sindhu Menon
 April 18, 2017

One of India’s most acrimonious workers’ struggles in recent memory continues to reverberate following a court judgment which found more than a dozen workers guilty of murder.

On 18 March 2017, the Gurugram District and Sessions Court in the northern India state of Haryana sentenced 13 workers at the Maruti Suzuki India Limited plant in Manesar to life imprisonment for criminal conspiracy, destruction of evidence and murder for their alleged involvement in the deadly clashes that broke out at the car plant in July 2012.

In 2011, both permanent and contract workers at the plant sought to form an independent union in a bid to end the mass casualisation of jobs and improve working conditions, but they were denied registration by the Maruti Suzuki management, backed by the state government of Haryana. Although the workers eventually managed to form a union in 2012, the management refused to recognise it.

Tensions eventually escalated into violence on 18 July 2012. An accidental fire left the company’s HR manager Awanish Kumar Dev dead, and over 100 workers were injured by the police and security guards. Crucially, there is no proof that any of the condemned men were even present when the fire started; they were arrested on the basis of a list of names handed to the police by the management.

Once arrested, it is reported that the workers were tortured while in police custody. Campaigners across India are calling the case a miscarriage of justice.

Of the 148 workers arrested and jailed over the incident, 117 workers were acquitted on 10 March 2017. But four workers have been sentenced to five years in prison for trespassing, unlawful assembly, rioting and possession of deadly weapons, while another 14 workers were sentenced to three years on the same charges.

Kushiram, a provisional committee member of Maruti Suzuki Workers Union (MSWU), tells Equal Times: “Out of 13 workers sentenced for life imprisonment, 12 are Maruti union officials. 117 workers are declared innocent by the court, but without any reason they have served more than four years in jail without bail. Who will compensate them for their years in prison? Another 14 workers were sentenced to three years, and the irony is that they have already spent four years in prison. Now who will address their loss and grievances?”

The defence team representing the Maruti workers say that the union leaders are “paying the price of championing the cause of workers”. Since 16 March, solidarity action by various worker, student and human rights organisations have taken place in over 20 cities, as well as internationally, while over 100,000 workers across India have participated in work stoppages in support of the Maruti workers. On 4 and 5 April, an all-India and international day of solidarity and protest was also held. And while the MSWU is not affiliated to any central trade union, it has also won support from various trade unions.

“The workers have been convicted on the basis of concocted evidence manufactured by the state administration, police and employer nexuses by shamelessly misusing and abusing power,” says Tapan Sen, general secretary of Centre of Indian Trade Unions (CITU).

“The current judgment too blindly acknowledges management’s position without even recognizing the events of the day as part of the persistent attack of the Maruti Suzuki management on the workers’ right to form a union of their own choice and its refusal to negotiate with the union, over fair and just workers’ demands,” states a press release by the New Trade Union Initiative (NTUI).

“It is the failure of industrial relations and the management is equally responsible for what has happened”, says Virjesh Upadhayay, general secretary of Bharatiya Mazdoor Sangh (BMS), the union affiliated to the ruling government and the largest trade union centre in India. “The state government, eyeing foreign investments, were in full support of the Maruti management and had shut their eyes to the violation of the fundamental rights of workers,” he tells Equal Times.

A history of repression

The Maruti Suzuki case is widely considered an attack on the right of workers to freedom of association, and has become an unprecedented example of class solidarity in India. But it is also seen as a case study of the way in which employers work closely with the government and the judiciary to criminalise Indian workers and deny them their fundamental constitutional rights.

The exploitation and harassment of car sector workers – the bulk of whom come from poor rural villages – is nothing new. India’s automotive industry is one of the largest in the world, accounting for 7.1 per cent of the country’s GDP, according to statistics. The Indian government wants to make sure that foreign auto manufacturers feel that their investments are protected in India – even if this at the expense of auto workers who are faced with poverty wages, ever-increasing production targets and insecure work.

In 2005, for example, workers at the Honda Motorcycle and Scooter India in Gurugram, Haryana tried to organise around the issue of fair wages. A number of workers were sacked, leading to violent protests, which resulted in the injury of more than 100 workers at the hands of police and plant security. Similar unrest occurred in 2006, 2009, 2010 and 2016.

In 2008, a labour struggle at the Swiss-Italian automotive parts company Graziano Trasmissioni in the northern city of Greater Noida resulted in the death of its CEO/MD Lalit Kishore Chaudhary and the termination of more than 200 jobs. Unrest has also been reported at other plants in India including Hyundai, Bosch and Toyota.

“They expect the workers to continue working in any situation and do whatever the management demands,” says AD Nagpal, national secretary of the Indian trade union centre Hind Mazdoor Sabha (HMS). “But once they try to form union and raise their voices on their fundamental rights, the suppression and oppression begins.”

According to DL Sachdeva, national secretary of All India Trade Union Congress (AITUC), the situation in Manesar provides a clear example of this. “The Maruti Suzuki management refused to recognise the union and negotiate with them. It’s quite obvious that the intensification of the [situation] on 18 July 2012 was a ploy of Maruti Suzuki management to get rid of the union and its leadership,” he tells Equal Times. “Besides the criminalisation of labour, large scale victimisation too happened. 546 permanent and 1800 contract workers were terminated from their jobs.”

Maruti Suzuki has not yet released a statement following the judgment and the press office failed to respond to our request for an interview.

While the defence team for the convicted workers plans to challenge the judgment at the High Court, Maruti workers have promised to increase the pressure on the management to free those convicted, reinstate victimised workers and improve working conditions at the plant.

Wednesday, April 19, 2017

Marseilles, the multicultural birthplace of the Le Pen rebellion, signpost of the rightful rejection of neoliberalism that sadly spawned Trump

 
(Marseilles' Vieux Port)

MARSEILLES, France – The 20-year-old salesman spoke in hip, nearly perfect English. American rock ‘n’ roll played in the background at his store near this city’s magnificent Vieux Port.

“There’s a lot of racism here against Muslims, Africans,” said the native of south central France.  “It’s not only our fault. It’s their fault, too. The kids are not educated by their parents.”

He tells me stories of once being insulted and harangued by Arabs after they invited him to their table at a café. He tells of a friend who was attacked by Arabs.

“I have a lot of hate in me. How can I not be a racist?”

It’s Frenchmen like this Marseilles salesman who are helping fuel the presidential campaign of Marine Le Pen, whose National Front party was born here in Marseilles. Yet, this is a city that has long prided itself on its immigrant tradition, one that dates at least back to biblical times when, legend has it, Mary Magdalene herself migrated here and preached in the streets.

My visit to Marseilles coincided with a long-brewing fixation on the great Marseilles crime novelist, Jean-Claude Izzo, whose books help explain--but not excuse--the young salesman’s rage and the rise of the National Front.

“The only future for Marseilles lay in rejecting its own history,” Izzo writes in Solea, the last book in his Marseilles Trilogy.

Pushing that rejection has been the European Union, which cares little about Marseilles but definitely wants the city’s port to serve the neoliberal interests of the global corporations that rule the world today. Recent years have seen shiny, high-rise development along Marseilles' outer port area, but poverty and unemployment remain higher here than in much of the rest of France.

For Izzo, it's an amoral world that aligns global economic interests with organized crime.

“`Organized crime is inextricably interwoven with the economic system,’” his crusading journalist Babette Bellini says in Solea. “`The opening up of world markets, the decline of the Welfare State, privatization, the deregulation of international finance and trade: all these things have tended to favor the growth of illegal activity as well as the internationalization of a rival criminal economy.’”

What Izzo’s fictional character here has done is issue an indictment against the neoliberal economic model that has nearly strangled countries as far afield as Greece and Argentina, upended the lives of millions upon millions of poor workers by forcing them to cross international borders in search of jobs, angered and threatened native workers with that huge immigration, and thus fueled the populist uprisings that gave us Donald Trump in the United States and Brexit in England.

In my most recent book, The Strangers Among Us: Tales of a Global Migrant Worker Movement (LabourStart, 2016), 10 writers from across the globe, including me, describe how workers are standing up to the world’s neoliberal rulers and asserting their rights. It’s a hard fight against very powerful forces, however.

Teachers in Argentina have been on strike for more than a month to protest President Mauricio Macri’s pro-corporate agenda and his gutting of the social fabric that has seen annual inflation approach 25 percent and individual buying power decline by 11 percent last year alone. Teachers want a pay raise that will enable them to survive in Macri’s Argentina. Here’s wishing them success!

This blog has followed developments in Argentina since I visited that country during the 2015 elections that gave Macri victory. He has done his best to undo the good work done by prior presidents Nestor Kirchner and Christina Fernández de Kirchner in the wake of the 2001 economic collapse. That collapse was created by 1990s deregulation, foreign indebtedness and pressure from that neoliberal citadel, the International Monetary Fund.

A hopeful sign on another front came last December when a U.S. judge allowed victims of the Chiquita Brands firm’s ties to a terrorist group in Colombia to sue the company. The judge’s ruling allows the victims to make their case in the United States rather than in Colombia, where the company has ceased its operations.

Again, Labor South has written previously about Chiquita’s disgusting, immoral behavior in Colombia and other Central and South American countries, its use of the cancer-causing pesticide Nemagon on its fruit trees in Latin America, its ties to the anti-leftist, anti-union terrorist group United Self-Defense Groups of Colombia (AUC).  Nearly 700 members of the largest banana labor union in Colombia were murdered between 1991 and 2006.

France’s contentious presidential election takes place in May, and a strong showing from Le Pen is expected. The country’s history of tolerance and its revolutionary legacy have been tested by persistent high unemployment, a growing divide between the rich and everyone else, the murders of 240 citizens at the hands of terrorists since 2015.

“What credibility do the failing elites have to give lessons on what does or does not work?” a political counselor in outgoing President François Hollande’s administration told Nation magazine.

It's like echoes of the Weimar Republic amid the growing clamor of pitchforks and shouting voices outside the castle walls!

Hollande is ostensibly a socialist, but he’s one with a neoliberal capitalistic bent. In other words, he’s cut from the same cloth as former British labor leader and prime minister Tony Blair and U.S. Democratic wunderkinder Bill and Hillary Clinton, Big Money, elite-loving wolves in bleating-heart sheep’s clothing!

Whether France, England or the United States, the working class has no party representing its interests, and thus its turn to the right. British voters rejected the European Union because the EU has evolved into a neoliberal fortress like the IMC and World Bank, preaching austerity to average folks and tax benefits and cushy trade policies to corporate heads and their political cronies. Le Pen isn’t anti-government like Donald Trump, but she has capitalized on anti-immigrant resentment, a resentment that blames immigrants rather than the global power brokers who helped create mass immigration.

In the United States, workers struggle to make sense of their lives today.  Their biggest battle, as always, is with fear. That’s why workers at the Boeing plant in North Charleston, S. C., voted down a union earlier this year. It’s also the biggest obstacle pro-union workers face at the giant Nissan plant in Canton, Mississippi, in their effort to bring in the United Auto Workers to represent them.

Unsuccessful presidential candidate Bernie Sanders spoke eloquently to those workers in Canton last month, the only major politician to do so at their “March on Mississippi”. “All of our people deserve decent wages and decent benefits,” Sanders told them. “What this struggle is about is decency.”

Meanwhile, back in Washington, D.C., the Clinton machine still rules the Democratic Party and the Democratic National Committee.

Clinton-friendly Tom Perez won the DNC chairmanship over pro-Sanders candidate Keith Ellison and despite some initial gestures toward the Sanders camp showed his true colors by ignoring Democrat populist James Thompson’s strong congressional bid in Kansas while showering $8 million onto the campaign of Clintonite Jon Ossoff’s congressional campaign in Georgia.

Ossoff endorsed Hillary Clinton in last year’s primary, plus he studied at Georgetown University and the London School of Economics, and thus makes a nice fit for the meritocracy the Clinton machine has long envisioned not only for the party but the nation.

As for the rest of us, the Great Unwashed out there, well, we can just simply eat cake, as one famous French meritocrat from the past once told us.

Monday, April 10, 2017

Bill Minor, a courageous journalist who kept his "eyes on Mississippi" for 70 years

 
(Bill Minor with friends celebrating his 90th birthday at a party in Jackson, Mississippi, a few years ago)

OXFORD, Miss. – Over the intercom in the Mississippi Capitol pressroom in Jackson one day back in 1984, a House member harangued his colleagues on the floor over a stalled bill. “When are we ever going to enter the 20th century?” the politician cried.

“Never!” our mentor and senior Capitol press corps member, Bill Minor, shouted into the wall speaker.

We younger reporters all got a good laugh out of that but perhaps a little apprehension, too. Minor had been covering Mississippi since 1947. Maybe he wasn’t joking.

That memory came back to me late last month when I learned of Bill Minor’s death at the age of 93. He was indeed a mentor, a comrade-in-arms, a hero to me then and now. I began my journalistic journey in Mississippi in late 1981 around the same time Minor published the farewell edition of his amazing alternative newspaper, The Capital Reporter. I still have a treasured copy of that edition.

“The Ten Most Powerful: Who are the movers and shakers in Jackson?” was the top-of-the-fold headline. In an editorial inside, Bill wrote of the paper’s unabashed “sympathetic treatment of the underdog” and his “hope that there will be others to take up the slack in keeping the pressure on public officials” as well as “those in the private sector who enjoy the public trust.”

Bill wrote with authority. He had been a frontlines warrior ever since his first big story in the state, the funeral for Mississippi’s ranting, racist U.S. Senator Theodore Bilbo. From there he had gone on to cover practically every major event in the state’s bloody civil rights-era history. As a reporter for the New Orleans Times-Picayune, Capital Reporter editor, and later statewide syndicated columnist, he suffered the slings and arrows—death threats, cross burnings, smashed windows, even a stolen typesetting machine.

A compelling collection of Bill's columns and writings appeared in 2001 under the title Eyes on Mississippi: A Fifty-Year Chronicle of Change (J Prichard Morris Books).

I was proud to be part of a new generation of journalists in Mississippi taking up his challenge, and I kept in close touch with Bill over the years to see how we were doing. Not always so good, he would sometimes lament.

Too much of “our journalism is unfortunately go along, get along,” he told an audience of students and professors at the University of Mississippi in 2004. “To be a journalist is to be prepared to take a risk. Newspapers are the closest to my heart. … I see us engaged in an endless war. This is not just a cozy little political sideshow, it is serious business. … Journalists are still the first eyes and ears of the nation, but it takes reporters out there on the ground. There’s no substitute for reporters on the ground.”

He didn’t let the professors in the audience off the hook either. He recalled one who lost his job for exercising “academic freedom” and standing up for civil rights in the 1960s, former Ole Miss history professor James Silver. “James Silver, a great old professor here back in the day any professor who spoke up against the system was run out of the state.”

 I was fortunate to come to Mississippi at a time when a lot of the legends were still alive. I once interviewed James Silver and also civil rights crusader and journalist Hazel Brannon Smith. I’ll never forget talking with another legend from that era, reporter Homer Bigart, and I actually worked for the great Claude Sitton in my native North Carolina before coming here.

However, none of them impressed me more than Bill Minor, a Louisiana native who could have easily left Mississippi for a glorious career in Washington, D.C., but instead chose to stay.

“I used to yearn for Bill to come to Washington and take on such sacred cows as Russell Long and Jim Eastland,” New York Times and former Mississippi newspaper and wire reporter John Herbers once wrote. “But he may have succeeded better, as a reporter, by staying in Mississippi. I know of no other state that has been transformed as much. And as the eyes and ears for many outside the state, as well as in, he may have contributed more to that transformation than any other journalist.”

Over the past years Bill and I would catch up on life and politics with a phone call every few weeks or at an occasional gathering. I loved those conversations, which usually included a good bit of grousing over the politics of the day and the fact that dammit, Mississippi was still trying “to enter the 20th century” more than a decade into the 21st! Then we’d have a good laugh and talk about the latest hell he had given a deserving politician.

This column appeared recently in the Jackson Free Press in Jackson, Mississippi.

Monday, March 27, 2017

Labor South reading roundup - The dark side of "Detroit South" and still waiting on the Russia-2016 presidential election smoking gun

A couple of interesting articles appeared recently that are worth passing along (apologies if you can't access these links here. I'll keep trying, but you may just have to copy and paste to access):

The dark side of "Detroit South"

Peter Waldman's report, "Inside Alabama's Auto Jobs Boom: Cheap Wages, Little Training, Crushed Limbs", in Bloomberg puts the lie to the glorified tales about "Detroit South" that politicians and chambers of commerce want to tell us. A worthy read given the major union campaign taking place at the giant Nissan plant in Canton, Miss.

See: https://www.bloomberg.com/news/features/2017-03-23/inside-alabama-s-auto-jobs-boom-cheap-wages-little-training-crushed-limbs


Now back to Russia and the 2016 presidential campaign

Interesting points by Stephen Cohen in Nation magazine recently that challenge MSNBC's constant drumbeat since its candidate lost. I don't like Trump, and I don't like Putin. However, I'm still waiting on the smoking gun regarding Russian hacking. Is it going to come? What I do know unequivocally is that the DNC actively worked to undermine Bernie Sanders' campaign, and that was reprehensible and I'm not forgetting it.

See:https://www.thenation.com/article/why-we-must-oppose-the-kremlin-baiting-against-trump/